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His latest book, Heroic Failure: Brexit and the Politics of Pain , is an excoriating cultural analysis of the political ideas behind Brexit.
You argue that English nationalism is the ghost in the Brexit machine. Why do you think that is? From the turn of the century onwards, you have this extraordinary rise of the idea of England as a political community [ie, a popular desire for England-only legislation voted on by English-only politicians].
All the public opinion surveys show this. In your book, you criticise the way parallels have been made between Brexit and the years war.
What is the main problem? What on earth is this word doing in political discourse in the 21st century?
I was struck by its re-emergence. It comes originally from Jacob Rees-Mogg and Boris Johnson, this mad idea that somehow the years war shows the English capacity to throw off feudal vassalage.
The war was more like Charles Taylor in Sierre Leone — a hideous crime against humanity. To go back to that as the only thing you have to express what English freedom might mean in the 21st century shows how demented it is.
You also write about the long English tradition of clinging romantically to heroic defeat. What do you ascribe this to? George Orwell wrote about this in the early s.
But in a post-imperial age you get a farcical version. Because originally the thing that characterised heroic failure in the English imagination was not self-pity, but Brexit is full of hysterical self-pity.
You describe a false caricature of Germany, put about by Brexiters, of an expansionist nation. You also say that the EU, and especially Germany, had a need to severely punish debtor countries.
Is Germany the glue that holds the EU together or a controlling villain? Some critics believe the EU is like the Hotel California. It is not certain that leaving the EU will make us worse off than we otherwise would have been.
Now, I should say that although economists produce a lot of numerical estimates of what that would mean, even the people who produce those estimates would emphasise that there is a very large amount of uncertainty.
Although the nature of the models that we use to make these predictions means that you get numbers coming out of them, one should definitely not place too much weight on the numbers themselves.
How to get the best from Brexit. He has visions of the UK becoming like Singapore or Hong Kong and entering a new era of free trade and prosperity.
Why have you chosen this as a good book to read on Brexit? I want to emphasise that I was neutral, during the campaign, between Remain and Leave.
I have very strong views on some of the economic aspects, particularly relating to free movement and immigration. But I do think that there are arguments on both sides.
I try to be as objective as I can in weighing them up. But it really fails to engage with the realities of the UK economy—both how the UK economy actually works and how international trade actually works.
He has this blithe disregard for any actual facts, so he does have this tendency to simply make things up, which I think is an illustration of what we got from some on the Brexit side.
By the time anybody pulled them up on their factual inaccuracies, they were onto the next thing. Hannan epitomises that disregard for facts.
Also, I got the sense from the book that he means it: What I think is interesting is that Hannan is clearly an intelligent person. He combines intelligence, vision, and honesty with a complete superficiality about how trading arrangements work.
To bring that back to reality—when you were last at the supermarket, did you notice that there was only French and Italian wine and none from Australia and Chile?
Well, as it happens, as members of the EU, we have a free trade agreement with Chile which means that there is no tariff on Chilean wine. One of the nice things about social media is there are all sorts of people—expert and non-expert—who immediately spot people who are talking nonsense.
So this was immediately pointed out. He sits on the committees which supposedly discuss free trade agreements and all this detailed stuff that the EU does when making trade agreements with other countries.
And, yet, when it comes to these very simple things, he just makes things up. I find that very odd. It comes up twice in the book. I thought it was quite funny, in terms of the bigger picture, that this should be viewed as a key issue.
I think, again, it illustrates the superficiality. It will go off to Dublin or Rome or somewhere else. We are then faced with a choice. How are we going to regulate drugs in this country, including herbal medicines, for that matter?
There are a bunch of problems with this. Secondly, and more seriously, there are two really big pharmaceutical regulators in the world: Will drug companies even bother to submit their medicines for approval to the British Medicines Agency?
In the end, what does that mean? Are we just going to say that drugs that have been approved by the EMA are safe to sell here? Well, we might well do that.
And Hannan would be happy with that, according to his book. The net result of the changes is that the EMA has gone off somewhere else, our drugs are still approved by the EMA—except that we no longer have any vote or voice or influence on how the EMA is run, or what procedures it follows.
And AstraZeneca and other pharmaceutical companies want regulatory approval. They might not like what the regulators do but they need regulators.
What about his argument about Volkswagen and the emissions scandal, that it was successful EU lobbying from the German car company that made everyone turn to diesel, with disastrous results for our air quality?
It was clearly an appalling outcome and reflects very badly on VW and very badly on European regulators. Certainly, it was the UK political process that was responsible for the tax privileges that diesel has had in the UK.
Will we do better if we do this sort of thing in the UK? What is certain, though, is that just as with pharmaceuticals, the thing that will change is that decisions will be made without our input.
Alternatively, we could have emissions standards made in the UK. In that case, are we going to stop exporting cars to the rest of Europe? One of the key things that comes out of the book is that Hannan—and many others in the UK—never wanted to be part of this political union, this ever closer integration of the EU.
It clearly is the case that there is a much larger political constituency in this country against deep political integration and for detachment than there is in any other member state in the EU.
And there clearly is a good argument for saying that both we and the rest of Europe would have been much better off if we had been able to come to some sort of arrangement that had a large degree of economic integration without the degree of political integration.
It is interesting and, to be fair to Dan Hannan and some of the people on his side of the Brexit camp, that was what they were arguing for before the vote.
Things have changed rather now. Currently, the government is pursuing a type of Brexit which does not envisage that degree of economic integration and people like Mr Hannan have largely gone along with that.
There does not seem to be much of a contingent calling, for example, for us to remain in the European Economic Area. This is Brexit Beckons: Thinking Ahead by Leading Economists , which includes 19 essays by different economists.
In the introduction, the editor, Richard Baldwin, notes that, in terms of the future, the alternative that seems most sensible for the UK, from an economic perspective, is the Norway option.
Indeed and, going back to what we were just saying, there were some people on the Brexit side who before and immediately after the vote were advocating some form of the Norway option.
As Richard says, most economists think that the Norway option would be optimal. Norway cannot set its own immigration policy with respect to citizens from other EU and EEA countries.
Are there any articles in there that you particularly want to highlight as illustrating something important about Brexit?
There are some interesting ones on what caused the Leave vote, from an economic perspective. To what extent was it immigration? To what extent was it economic decline?
She is very much a believer that technological and globalisation have, on the whole, improved our economic outcomes. But she also feels—very strongly—that the policy response, in the 80s and 90s, to deindustrialisation in the parts of the UK that were left behind by globalisation, was very badly lacking.
Richard Baldwin is also a very eminent trade economist. Their moment has now come. Trade economics is back in fashion. The important thing that comes from looking at all their chapters together is the extent to which free trade is not just about abolishing tariffs.
There are a number of different aspects to that. First of all, even trade in goods is much more influenced by regulation than it used to be.
Cars are the classic example. Parts shuffle back and forth across borders before being assembled. Regulation matters a lot: We have emissions standards, safety standards, and all the rest of it.
Then, when you get to trade in services and movement of capital, and the role of the City, things get even more complicated. Just the sheer complexity of the issues that are involved both in reshaping our trade relationship with the EU, and in working out what our relationships with other countries in the future will be, is just fascinating.
And getting all sorts of people up to speed on these complexities is going to be expensive. This is a blog post by Dominic Cummings , who was the campaign director of Vote Leave.
What I really like about this is that, in contrast to Dan Hannan, Dominic is very frank and honest. What does that even mean?
Is that going to work? And I do think that there was a contrast with the Remain campaign which was very old-fashioned and did not apply this sort of rigour in analysis that Dominic and his team did.See all reviews. There was a problem filtering reviews right now. In the end, what does that mean? Bonus game consists of 10 free spins which brings you the added benefit of randomly chosen symbol that serves as jugar a juegos de casino sin descargar for the duration of the bonus. But politics is a ruthless business. Which classic novel did you read recently for the first time? Are there any articles in there that you particularly want to highlight as illustrating something important about Brexit? And getting all sorts of people up to speed on these complexities is going to be expensive. As Richard says, most economists think that the Norway option would be optimal. What is the main problem? I will however just say that if anybody is interested in Hokej na zywo and there are many who are both for and against then I recommend both sides of the debate read this book. But this one casino seefeld dresscode the drochtersen assel gladbach to read.